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We are now preparing a new presentation about what it is actually like to live in Israel today - everything that goes to make up Israel's vibrant and very special way of life. This presentation will feature different aspects of modern life in Israel - the major cities, cultural life, antiquities and historical sites, unique locations, like the Dead Sea, Eilat and the magical city of Jerusalem.
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DISENGAGEMENT - INTERIM CONCLUSIONS
OR WHAT I LEARNED UP UNTIL NOW ABOUT THE DISENGAGEMENT

I learned that the effort required to defend the settlements in the Gaza Strip was 1:1 - in the ratio of one soldier to one settler.

I learned that the Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip have almost no strategic value in the defense of Israel.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" don't recognize the State of Israel, but only the Land of Israel.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" never fully believed in true democracy, the sort that you respect even if it sometimes does not accord with your worldview.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" don't understand that in a democracy the process of change takes place in the election booth, and not in violence and blocking freeways.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" accuse Israel's government of corruption, but don't hesitate to bring pressures to bear on this same government so that huge budgets are allocated for the expansion of their settlements and the paving of bypass roads for them. These budgets are taken away from other, needy, sectors of the population, like those who were the original settlers of the State of Israel, who were sent to live in development towns in the Negev - like Dimona, Ofakim and Sderot - at a time, after the War of Independence, when Israel needed Jews to swell the demographic mass rather than the geographical mass.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" censure the Israel Defense Forces for carrying out the decisions of Israel's elected government, but don't hesitate to demand that the army protect their settlements - even at a tremendous cost of human life.

I learned that that some of the leaders of those who call themselves the "national camp" categorically demand of the army that it oppose the elected government - such a demand, in any other country, would be called incitement to mutiny and its instigators would be brought before a court of law on charges of treason.

I learned that the definition "crimes against humanity", when proclaimed by those who call themselves the "national camp", refers only to the dismantlement of Jewish settlements - as if other people who have been deprived of their lands and rights do not belong to the human race.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" represent a new type of Judaism, one that I have not encountered before, messianic and blind. Respect, reverence, love your neighbor ... all these values have been trampled underfoot in the ecstatic gatherings that appear more like frenzied hallucinatory scenes in India than Jewish prayer in a synagogue.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" are prepared to put their children at the front line of the struggle, to dangle tiny infants out of windows, to force young girls to march with their hands in the air and yellow stars on their chests in a horrific parody of Holocaust scenes - all this after accusing the Palestinians of being uncivilized for putting their children on the front line.

I learned that that those who call themselves the "national camp" put the sanctity of land before the sanctity of human life.

I learned that I was naive to believe that the "national camp" regards the State of Israel as the most important attribute of the Jewish people.

I learned that I was naive to believe that the "national camp" represents a bridge between Religion and State.

I learned that I was naive ...

Udi